Feminism And Its Effect On Society - 1509 Words

In our modern society there is a word that can be said that can make grown men cringe and conservative parents worry and strike up discussions and debates anywhere you go. This word carries a lot of weight but is never quite taken seriously.The word is known by many people but not fully understood by the masses. The word being referred to is Feminism and it is phenomenon that has been around for years but has been spreading through people everywhere. Feminism is a movement created to help everyone and make our society more positive and to rule out harmful gender roles in our culture. Feminism is defined in the Merriam-Webster Dictionary as â€Å"the belief that men and women should have equal rights and opportunities† and also â€Å" organized activity in support of women s rights and interests†. In other words it means that everyone is to have equal opportunities and representation regardless of gender identity. â€Å"The term â€Å"feminism† originated from the French word â€Å"feminisme,† coined by the utopian socialist Charles Fourier, and was first used in English in the 1890s, in association with the movement for equal political and legal rights for women†. Feminism is an all-inclusive movement for equal rights for all women including trans, women women of color, and disabled women. The movement has a goal of taking gender roles and harmful stereotypes out of the picture, resulting in a more positive community for people everywhere. Throughout history the idea of women being lessersShow MoreRelatedThe Effect of Feminism on Society816 Words   |  3 PagesIn the average workplace, women earn 22% less salary than men regardless of their work ethic or what they have to offer to their employer (Lowen). Women around the world have been treated like they hold less significance to society dating back to the ancient Romans. This leads many to question: why does it matter now? In the ever growing and changing world known today women need to take a stand for what they are worth. Many of these strong willed women that are looking for change are leading charactersRead MoreFeminism And Its Effects On Society1173 Words   |  5 Pages For the past few decades, â€Å"feminism† has been portrayed as women who hate men and think all men are evil. True â€Å"feminists† define it as achieving equal political, economical, and social rights for women. Though more and more people are starting to realize the true mean ing, its the negative assumptions that are stuck in people’s mind. The media is to blame for misguiding people because of these false accusations. Feminist still faced problems in today’s society. Many people are made to believe thatRead MoreFeminism And Its Effect On Society946 Words   |  4 Pagespatients diagnosed with AIDS were assumed to be gay. This ignorant perspective negatively branded the gay community, which caused homosexual men to feel as if they must repress their true selves in order to successfully function and fit into American society. A fact to be noted is that though Angels in America was written as a sort of advocacy for gay men, there is a clear presence of femininity that is important to discuss. Femininity is, by definition, the womanliness of something. This play challengesRead MoreFeminism : A Negative Effect On Society1608 Words   |  7 Pagesequality with men. They have been held back and their opportunities taken away from them because of the fact that they’re women. Feminism has had a profound negative effect in the past and is still having a negative effect in the high profile of modern society. Feminism is still as relevant today as it was when women were fighting for their right to vote. In modern society, women and men aren’t thought of equals, when compared to the strong, dominant male. Females are often thought of as inferior andRead MoreBlack Feminism : A Profound Effect On Society s History3616 Words   |  15 PagesIntroduction Black Feminism has proven to have a profound effect on society’s history, and is now beginning to impact even more this day and age. Black feminism is broader than what comes to mind. It is an essential component of black struggle against oppression and authority. Generally Black feminism is used to empower and liberate black women. Throughout the years many liberals have tried to exclude and silence black feminist. Black feminist have demanded for social, economic and political equalityRead MoreThe Rise Of Social Media And Its Impact On The Feminism Movement Essay1542 Words   |  7 Pagesthe Feminism Movement Abstract: The new media Internet, social media platforms, has been an increasingly popular tool for feminists to promote the feminism movement. With the broad reach of the internet and social media, this has led to a wider awareness of the feminist movement. The broad reach of the internet and social media however has also open the female gender to various levels of objectification. This paper reviews the research that has been done regarding the effect thatRead More Feminist Approaches to Social Work1641 Words   |  7 Pagessocial work in today’s society. It will first look at the different types of feminism that are present in society. It will then trace and highlight the emergence of feminism in society. 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Even though there is a trend of misrepresentation of femalesRead MoreLiberal Feminism vs. Radical Feminism Essay1490 Words   |  6 PagesLiberal Feminism and Radical Feminism The goal of feminism as both a social movement and political movement is to make women and men equal not only culturally, but socially and legally. Even though there are various types of feminism that focus on different goals and issues, the ultimate end to feminism is abolishing gender inequality that has negative effects on women in our society. The issues and goals that a feminist may have are dependent on the social organization or the type of economicRead MoreInstitutions Project1702 Words   |  7 PagesFor a very long time in the U.S. society, women of color have suffered too much oppression and discrimination from in many forms including on racial, class, and gender grounds. They have been subordinated, experience restricted participation in existing social institutions, and structurally placed in roles that have limited opportunities. Their congregation includes African Americans, the Asian Americans, the Latinas and others. There case has been made even worse by the fact that being a weaker

The Velocity Of Door Travel Essay - 853 Words

Opening: Velocity of Door Travel: V=(Time to Open)(Distance Traveled)=(3.16 s)(1.25 m) = 0.40 m/s Power Requirement: P(W) =(Force Exerted)(Velocity) =(110 N)(0.40 m/s) = 43.56 W Translation to British Units: P (hp) =(43.56 W)(0.001341 hp/W) = 0.06 hp Closing: Velocity of Door Travel: V=(Time to Open)(Distance Traveled)=(2.12 s)(1.25 m) = 0.59 m/s Power Requirement: P(W) =(Force Exerted)(Velocity) =(540 N)(0.59 m/s) = 314.62 W Translation to British Units: P (hp) =(314.62 W)(0.001341 hp/W) = 0.43 hp Given the information provided, a decision was made to use 1 hp motors. Because these motors will be working for extended periods of time under varying load conditions, it seemed unwise to choose motors which would be operating at peak performance consistently. Also, the difference between a  ¾ hp motor and a 1 hp motor was found to be only $23. REFERENCE e. Final Proposed Design Evan This section of the design report describes the final design your team intends to construct in senior design 2 for testing relative to your design requirements. In your final proposed design section you MUST have: Overall system block diagram Block diagrams of all subsystems Detailed schematics Explanation of how it works CAD Drawings (again, extensive part drawings and assemblies should be placed in an appendix) Software for your design (i.e. Flowchart showing how the software functions and description). Software revision table This table needs to show major software revisions that haveShow MoreRelatedBlack Hands649 Words   |  3 PagesMeasurement scale †¢ Ex. table is about 3m from the door Copyright  © Houghton Mifflin Company. 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Listening to Rap Cultures of Crime, Cultures of Resistance free essay sample

Cultures of Crime, Cultures of Resistance Lillian Tanner, university of Toronto Mark Seabirds, Dalhousie university Scot Worldly, University of Toronto This research compares representations of rap music with the self-reported criminal behavior and resistant artless of the musics core audience. Our database is a large sample of Toronto high school students (n = 3,393) from which we identify a group of listeners, whose combination of musical likes and dislikes distinguish them as rap universes.We then examine the relationship between their cultural preference for rap music and Involvement In a culture of crime and heir perceptions of social injustice and Inequity. We find tar the rap unlooses, also known as urban music enthusiasts, report significantly more delinquent behavior and stronger feelings of inequity and injustice than listeners with other musical tastes. However, we also find tar the nature and strengths of those relationships vary according to rhea racial identity of diffe rent groups within urban music enthusiasts. Black and white subgroups align themselves with resistance representations while Asians do not; whites and Asians report significant involvement in crime and delinquency, while blacks do not. Finally, we discuss our findings In light of research on media effects and audience reception, youth subcultures and post-subcultures analysis, and the sociology of cultural consumption. Thinking About Rap The emergence and spectacular growth of rap is probably the most important development in popular music since the rise of rock n roll in the late 1 9405.Radio airplay, music video programming and sales figures are obvious testimonies to its popularity and commercial success. This was made particularly evident in October 2003 when, according to the recording industry bible Billboard jazzmen, all top 10 acts in the United States were rap or hip-hop artists; and again In 2006, when the Academy award for Best Song went to Its Hard Out Here for a Pimp, a rap song by the group Hushed Flow. Such developments may also signal raps increasing social acceptance and cultural legalization (Bondman 2007).However, its reputation and status in the musical field has, hitherto, been a controversia l one. Like new music before it (Jazz, rock n roll), rap has been critically reviewed as a corrosive Influence on young and Impressionable listeners (Best 1990; Datum 1999; Tanner 2001 Cacao and Kennedy 2002; Alexander 2003). Whether rap has been reviled as much as Jazz and rock n roll once were is a moot point; rather more certain is its pre-eminent role as a problematic contemporary musical genre.Direct correspondence to Julian Tanner, Department of Social Science university of Toronto at Scarborough, 1 military Trail, Scarborough, Anton, Canada, MIMIC IA. Telephone: (416) 287-7293. E-mail: Julian. [emailprotected] Ca. rah Unlikelier of North Carolina Press Social Forces 88121 693-722, December 2009 694 ; Social Forces 88(2) In an Important study of representations of popular music. Binder (1993) examined how print journalists wrote about rap and heavy metal in the contends that they are framed differently: the presumed harmful effects of heavy metal are limited to the listeners themselves, whereas rap is seen as more socially damaging (for a similar distinction, see Rose 1994). The lyrical content of the two genres is established as one source of this differential framing: rap lyrics are found to be more explicit and provocative (greater usage of hard swear words, for example) than heavy metal lyrics.The second factor involves assumptions made (by ruinations) about the racial composition of audiences for heavy metal and rap-the former believed to be white suburban youth, the latter urban black youth. According to Binder, rap invites more public concern and censorious complaint than heavy metal because of what was assumed to be its largely black fan base. At the same time, she identifies an important counter frame, one component of which elevates rap (but not he avy metal) to the status of an art form with serious political content. In both the mainstream press (I. E. .The New York Times) and publications targeting a predominately black readership (I. E.. Ebony and/Ai), she finds rap lauded for the salutary lessons that it imparts to black youth regarding the realities of urban living; likewise, rap artists are applauded for their importance as role models and mentors to inner-city black youth. Thus, while rap has been framed negatively, as a contributor to an array of social problems, crime and delinquency in particular, it has also been celebrated and championed as an authentic expression of cultural resistance by underdogs against racial exploitation and disadvantage.How these differing representations of rap might resonate with audience members was not part f Binders research mandate. A Furthermore, while she does acknowledge that journalistic perceptions of the racial composition of the rap audience are not necessarily accurate-that more white suburban youth, even in the sass and sass, might have been consuming the music than black inner-city youth-this acknowledgment does not alter her enterprise or her argument.At this point in time, when the listening audience for rap music has both expanded and become increasingly diverse, our research concerns how young black, white and Asian rap fans in Toronto, Canada relate to a musical form still viewed primarily in terms of its rimming and resistant meanings. Researching Rap Much of the early work on audiences preoccupied itself with investigating the harmful effects of media exposure, especially the effects of depictions of violence in movies and TV on real life criminal events.Results have generally been inconclusive, with considerable disagreement in the social science research community regarding the influence of t he media on those watching the large to small screen (Curran 1990; Firebombed and Longhorns 1998; Freedman 2002; Cacao and Kennedy 2002; Alexander 2003; Newman 2004; Savage 2004; Longhorns 2007). Listening to Rap ; 695 Listening to popular music has, on occasion, been said to produce similarly negative effects, although these too have proven difficult to verify. For example, in one high producing recorded material (songs) that contained subliminal messaging edit led to the suicides of two fans.This claim was not, however, legally validated because the judge hearing the case remained unconvinced about a causal linkage between the music and the self-destructive behavior of two individuals (Waller 1993). Strong arguments for the ill effects of media consumption rest on the assumption that audiences are easily and directed influenced by the media, with frequent analogies made to hypodermic syringes that inject messages into gullible and homogeneous audiences (Firebombed and Longhorns 1998; Alexander 2003; Longhorns 2007).In contesting this view of audience passivity, critics also propose that texts are open to more than one interpretation. Again, TV audiences have been studied more frequently than audiences for popular music, although research on the latter has illustrated how song lyrics are not necessarily construed the same way by adolescents and adults. Research conducted by Prisons and Rosenberg (1987) indicates that songs identified by adults as containing deviant content (references to sex, violence, alcohol and drug use, Satanism) were not similarly categorized by adolescents.Evidence that there are different ways of watching television or listening to recorded music has led to an alternative conception of audiences-one more concerned with what audiences do with the media than what the media does to audiences. The development within communications research of the uses and gratifications model (McLain 1984) is one result, with TV once more the media form most commonly investigated.Nonetheless, a few studies have documented how young people listen to popular music in order to satisfy needs for entertainment and relaxation (among other priorities), and utilize it as an accompaniment to other everyday activities, such as homework and household chores (Roe 1985; Prisons and Rosenberg 1987). More recent research has added identity construction as a need that popular music might fill for young listeners (Roe 1999; Crack 2001; Laughed 2006).One particular usage emphasized by British cultural Marxist associated with the now defunct Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies has focused attention on how active media audiences counter dominant cultural messages in their consumption of popular culture. In what has, by now, become a familiar story, a series of music-based, post-war youth cultures (Teddy Boys, Moods, Rockers, Skinheads, Punks) in the United Kingdom have been represented as symbolically resisting the dominant normative order (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebrides 1979).This argument has, however, relied on a reading of cultural texts and artifacts for its evidentially base, rather than observations of, or information from, subcultures participants themselves (Cohen 1980; Firth 1985; Tanner 2001; Bennett 2002; Alexander 2003). 696 ; Social Forces AS(2) More recently, the utility of the term subculture for understanding young peoples collective involvements in music has been questioned. The focus of this criticism is, once again, the Birmingham school and its conceptualization of subculture.Its critics argue that, under conditions of post modernity, music audiences have fragmented, and young people are no longer participants in distinctive subcultures groups (Bennett Bibb; Megaton 2000). Bennett Bibb; Bennett and Kahn-Harris 2004; Hexagonally 2005; Longhorns 2007; Hoodwinks 2008). Post subcultures research has been much less inclined than the Birmingham era researchers to decode and decipher texts, and much more likely to engage in ethnographic studies of music and youth groups (Bennett 2002).However, while there has been occasional work on modes of (female) resistance in the teen scene (Lowe 2004) and riot girl scene (Sicily 2004), there has been no equivalent research on rap scenes and resistance. Examinations of audience receptions of rap are not numerous and have been of two main kinds: a few studies have explored how young people perceive and evaluate the music, while others have studied the armful effects of rap by trying to link consumption of the music with various negative consequences.An early study by Sahara (1992) finds rap to be more popular with black than white college students, and more popular among males than females. However, reasons for liking th e music varied little by race, with both black and white audience members proportioning the beat over the message. A more recent study by Sullivan (2003) reports few racial differences in liking the music, although black teenagers were more committed to the genre and more likely to view rap as life firming (Berry 1994) than those from other racial backgrounds. In a small but important study conducted in California, Maharani and Connors (2003) investigated 41 black middle school students perceptions of violence and thoughts about rap music. In focus group sessions and personal interviews, informants revealed a strong liking for rap music, valuing the fact that it spoke to their everyday concerns about growing up in a poorly resourced community. They did not, however, like the way that rap music on occasion (MIS)represented the experiences of black people in the United States. They challenged the misogyny evident in some rap videos and rejected what they saw as the globalization of violence.Overall, their critical and nuanced engagement with rap music fitted poorly with depictions of media audiences as easily swayed by popular culture (Cacao 2005). The search for the harmful effects of rap music has yielded no more definitive results than earlier quests for media effects. While some studies report evidence of increased violence, delinquency, substance use, and unsafe sexual activity resulting from young peoples exposure to rap music (Winning et al. 2003; Chem. et al. 006), other researchers have failed to find such a link or have exercised extreme caution when interpreting apparent links.One review of the literature, conducted in the sass, could find a total of only nine investigations-all of them Listening to Rap ; 697 small-scale, none involving the general adolescent population-and concluded that there was an even split heathen those that found some sort of an association between exposure to the music and various deviant or undesirable outcomes, and those that could find no connection at all Moreover, in those studies where the music ND the wrongdoing were linked, investigators were very circumspect about whether or not they were observing a causal relationship, and if so, which came first, the music or the violent dispositions (Datum 1999). A mote recent investigation conducted was found to predict deviant behavior among 348 Fricasseeing adolescents, causal ordering could not be established, nor an additional possibility r uled out: that other factors might be responsible for both the musical taste and the deviant behavior (Miranda and Class 2004). The notion that rap is or can be represented as ultra resistance-the counter frame identified by Binder-has become increasingly prominent in the rap literature over the past 20 years (Rose 1994; Kermis 2000; Keyes 2002; Quinn 2005). In his influential book. Why White Kids Love Hip Hop: Wants, Wiggeries, Wannabes, and the new Reality farce in America, Kitting (2005) expounds at length on his emancipators view of raps history and development. Kitting sees hip-hop as a form of protest music, offering its listeners a message persistence. He also makes the additional claim that the resistive appeal of hip-hop is not restricted to black youth. Indeed, as the tide of his book suggests, he is pathetically interested in the patronage of rap music by white youth, those young people who might be seen as the contemporary equivalents of Mailers White Negro or Keys Negro Wannabes. (Keyes 2002:250) In his view, the global diffusion of rap rests on the musics capacity for resonating with the experiences of the downtrodden and marginalia in a variety of cultural contexts.Quinn (2005) similarly explains the crossover appeal of gangs rap in the United States in terms of the common sensibilities and insecurities seated by post Forbids youth. She continues: many young whites, facing bleak labor market prospects, were also eager for stories about fast money and authentic belonging to ward off a creeping sense of blamelessness and dispossession. (Quinn 2005:85-86) Thus, raps appeal is as much about class as it is about race. Nor is the resistive view of rap restricted to the North American continent. At least one French study-conducted in advance of the riots in the fall of 2005 -has noted how French Rap has become the music of choice for young people of visible minority descent who have grown up in the suburban ghettos (Less Cities) of ajar cities.They have been routinely exposed to police harassment on the streets, subjected to prejudice and discrimination at school, and struggled to find decent housing and appropriate Jobs (Boucher 1999, cited in Miranda and Class 2004). The idea that popular music might serve as an important reference point for rebellious or resistive adolescents is not a new one. As we have already noted, this is how a British school of subcultures analysis once interpreted the cultural activity of witting-class youth in the United Kingdom (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebrides 698 ; Social Forces 88(2) 19 79). Some attempt has been made to understand rap fantod in similar terms. Bonnets (AAA) ethnographic study, set in Newcastle, reveals how one group of white rappers translate the racial politics of blacks into the language of class divisions in the United Kingdom.However, for the most part there has been limited application of this kind of analysis to young peoples involvement with rap music. Rap scholars who construe the music as an authentic expression of cultural resistance directed against exploitation and disadvantages at school, on the streets, or in the labor market, do so primarily without much input from the young people who make up its listening audience. Because they have not often been canvassed for their views about the music, we do not know to what degree they share rap idiom (Martinez 1997; Nexus 1997; Kermis 2000; Stephens and Wright 2000; Bennett 2001; Sullivan 2003; Suburb 2005; Quinn 2005; Lena 2006).Thus contemporary rap scholarship follows British subcultures theory in gleaning evidence of resistance from the texts, not the audience. Resistance is sought, and found, in the words and music rather than in the activities and ideologies of subcultures or audience members. We can suggest, echoing Alexander (2003) earlier critique of British cultural studies, that the audience for rap music has been theorized rather more thoroughly than it has been investigated. The Present Study The present study is concerned with three key questions: First, is there a relationship between audiences for rap and representations of the music? Second, as compared to other listening audiences, are serious rap fans participants in cultures of crime and resistance?Third, if such a link is found, what are the sources of variation in their participation in these cultures of crime and resistance? The need to address these questions, as we see it, emerges from several limitations in the existing research on rap. These limitations are as follows: First, there is a significant disjuncture between dominant representations of the music as a source of social harms and evidence unambiguously supportive of this proposition. Second, the case for a resistant view of rap music is usually advanced, as we have already intimated, by examination of the designs and intentions of musical creators, both artists and producers, as well as music critics.We do not know whether or not re sistant assuages register and resonate with those who listen to the music. Third, we do not have an accurate gauging of the stereographic composition, particularly racial and ethnic, of the audience for rap music. Raps dominance of the youth market is widely understood as a crossover effect-the original black audience now Joined by legions of white fans (Spiller 1996; Houseman 2003). However, purchasing habits-the usual arbiter for claims about raps increasing popularity with white consumers-may not be an entirely reliable measure of either raps popularity or racial and ethnic variations therein (Kermis 2000; Quinn 2005). The system devised by the recording industry to gauge record Listening to Rap ; 699 sales-Nielsen Soundboards-does not gather data on the race, or indeed any other personal characteristic, of purchasers. What it does do is categorize sales in terms of whether they were made in retail stores in high-income locations or in lonesome locations. Record companies, Journalists or academics then choose to equate those high-income sales with white suburban youth, and low-income sales with inner-city black youth, but are doing so without any direct measures of the racial background or identity of buyers (Kitting 2005). Moreover, it has been argued that sales figures under represent the taste preferences of the poor. (Quinn 2005:83) As Rose (1994) explains it, in the black community, particularly in impoverished neighborhoods, many more rap CDC are listened to than bought-a single purchase being passed on produced and shared within local fan networks. The implications of this point are clear en ough: the appropriation of rap music by suburban white teens might not be as extensive as is commonly supposed. Finally, we do not know whether or how the rap audience relates to the dominant frame of the music as a catalyst for crime and leniency or to the counter frame of the music as an articulator of social inequity. The mainstreaming of rap may have cost the genre its underground or counter- culture status as protest music, or made it less attractive to delinquent rebels.Rap also may play no part in crime or resistance subcultures because, under post modern conditions, young people have become increasingly eclectic and individualized in their musical tastes; the close relationship between musical tastes and lifestyles, implied by subcultures theory, no longer applies. On this formulation, therefore, we old not expect to find strong connections between a preference for rap music and subcultures of crime and subcultures of resistance. On the other hand, reasons for believing that rap music may be a basis for subcultures lifestyles, at least among black youth, are more compelling. At the time that we were conducting our research there was considerable debate, in the local media and among local politicians, about issues involving race and crime-racial profiling and the desirability of collecting ra ce- based crime statistics, for example.Contributing to this debate were findings from another study, confirming what black youths in Canada have always suspected, namely that they are much more likely to be arbitrarily stopped and searched by police officers than are members of other racial and ethnic groups-even when their own self-repotted deviant activity is statistically controlled for (Worded and Tanner 2005). In addition, contemporaneous research on the media coverage of race and crime in Toronto newspapers carried out by Worldly (2002), found black people disproportionately portrayed in a narrow range of roles and activities (principally hose involving crime, sports and entertainment) than members of other racial and ethnic groups; and when featured in crime stories, depicted primarily as offenders. Capricious policing and media misrepresentation may therefore contribute to a sense of injustice among black youth, a sense of injustice that has them gravitating to rap as an emblem of cultural resistance. 700 ; social Forces AS{2) Commercial success and artistic validation has not diminished rap musics capacity to provoke moral panic. The music is still seen as threatening, dangerous and socially damaging by many political figures and established authority. Previous research suggests that negative media coverage of the cultural preferences and practices of adolescents often intensifies subcultures identifications (Cohen 1973; Fine and Galilean 1979; Thornton 1995).Rap based moral panics may therefore tighten connections between the music and delinquent lifestyles and/or resistive attitudes and behaviors. The lack of attention paid to raps consumers renders these questions relatively open ones, the meaning of rap music still to be discovered. Methods artists and producers, and those who write about it, music critics-we pose questions bout raps audience. Further, while audience studies usually employ qualitative data-gathering techniques (for example, Morley 1980; Roadway 1984; Shivery 1992), we use the methods of survey research. We are more concerned with how audience members interact with the music than with the issue of cause and effect.We are interested in how music might be used as a resource in their everyday lives (Willis 1990; Denote 2000), how it might contribute to identity formation (Roe 1999) and, especially, how audiences might align themselves with (or distance themselves from) ultras of crime and resistance. Nonetheless, in our analyses, we treat rap fantod as a dependent variable. While there is considerable academic and public debate about whether music produces or is a product of cultural activities, legal or otherwise, existing research has failed to provide a compelling or consistent rationale for any particular causal logic. As we have seen, the idea that exposure to rap music causes crime is not unequivocally supported in the research literature.Research on resistant youth cultures, by contrast, is much more likely to reverse the relationship ND see musical style as a result of subcultures activity (Willis 1978; Hebrides 1979). Hebrides, for example, infers that punk rock in the United Kingdom was a cultural response to the subordination of existing working-class youth groups. Laying (1985) has countered that punk the musical genre existed before punk the subculture. In the absence of agreement about the direction of the relationship between musical taste and cultural practices, our decision to operational rap appreciation as a dependent variable is made more for pragmatic, heuristic reasons than unassailable theoretical ones. Our strategy is to focus on listening preferences rather than purchasing habits.By asking students to report on and evaluate the music that they like, dislike and in what combinations, we gain a clearer and more detailed picture of where rap is situated in the consumption patterns of groups of students differentiated by, among other factors, their racial identity. Our goals are to: (1 . Distinguish students with a serious, exclusive taste for rap from more casual fans; (2. To calculate the Listening to Rap ; 701 size and racial makeup of rap musics prime audience; and (3. O map relationships between that core audience and resistant and delinquent repertoires. Few surveys of general populations of young people have established any kind of connection between rap and deviancy, net of other factors.We contend that raps reputation as a corrosive force is validated by that linkage, and that without it that representation becomes more contestable. A similar logic applies to the relationship between rap and social protest. The claim that the music carries a serious message-that it is an expression of resistant values and perceptions-is substantiated with evidence of a ink between the music and a collective sense of inequity, and weakened by its absence. Data The data for this research are drawn from the Toronto Youth Crime and Factorization Study, a stratified cross-sectional survey of Toronto adolescents carried out from 1998 through 2000 (Tanner and Worded 2002). Self-administered Metropolitan Toronto high schools in both die Cadillac (10 schools) and larger Public School (20 schools) systems. Within each school, one class from each grade, 9 (ages 13 and 14) through 13 (ages 18 and 19), was randomly selected. The overall response rate was 83 percent (83. % for Catholic vs.. 83. 1% for public schools), and is a conservative estimate as it was based on the number of students enrolled in each class rather than those present the day of the study. Informed consent was given for participation in the study. Surveys were completed during class under the supervision of a member of the research team (and without a teacher present) and took approximately 45 minutes to complete.The survey asked young people about a broad range of topics, including family life, educational experiences, leisure activities, delinquent involvement, factorization experiences and so forth. The survey instrument was designed by members of the research team and evolved out of a series of 11 focus groups with adolescents in Toronto schools. The completed survey was reviewed by a series of institutional ethics boards, including those at the University of Toronto, the Toronto Public School Board and the Catholic School Board. As the survey does not include high school dropouts, institutionalized youth and street youth, it is a school sample and thus any generalizations speak only to the experiences of school-based adolescents.Our sample is ethnically and racia lly verse and is representative of the Metropolitan Toronto high school population. Measures Musical Preferences Guided by Borides work (1984) and Peterson recasting of musical taste in terms of omnivorous and omnivorous patterns (1992), we focus our attention on 702 ; Social Forces 88(2] how musical choices are combined: if young people liked (or disliked) one style or genre, what other styles or genres did they like or dislike (what Van Check 2001 has referred to as combinatorial logic). Indicators of musical taste were derived from the question: How much do you like each of the following types of USIA? Respondents were then asked to evaluate each of 1 1 contemporary musical genres: Soul, Rhythm and Blues, Jazz, Hip/Hop and Rap, Reggae and Dance Hall, Classical and Opera, Country and New Country, Pop, Alternative (including Punk, Grunge), Heavy Metal (Hard Rock), Ethnic Music (traditional/ cultural), and Techno (Dance). Musical tastes were assessed on a five-point Liker scale that addresses whether respondents liked the musical genre very much, quite a lot, a lit tle bit, not very much or not at all. Unlike previous research that dichotomize musical tastes, sousing exclusively on the musical genres most liked (Peterson and Kern 1996) or disliked (Bryon 1996), we target the level of appreciation (or lack of appreciation) each respondent has for a particular musical genre.For space considerations a detailed overview of the clustering procedure has been omitted but is available upon request. We employed a two-stage cluster analysis (hierarchical agglomerative and A- means) procedure to derive groupings of adolescent musical tastes. Cluster analysis assembles respondents based on their common responses to questions/ measures, ND is useful for identifying relatively homogeneous groups, groups that are highly heterogeneous (members are not like members of other clusters) (Aldermen and Falsified 1984). Employing cluster analysis techniques, we uncovered seven musical taste clusters. Table 1 outlines the results of our cluster analysis.The largest group (n = 616) was the Club Kids, composed of those who report an above average enjoyment of techno and dance, mainstream pop, and hip-hop and rap. Next were the Urban Music Enthusiasts (n = 605). Members of this group combined a strong appreciation f Rap and Hip Hop with considerable disinterest in most other musical styles. These adolescents are the primary focus of the current study. Then there was a fairly large (n = 482) group of youth, the New Traditionalists, who have an above average liking of classical music and opera, Jazz, soul, RB, country music and mainstream pop. The fourth largest (n = 425) group, the Hard Rockers, comprised a sizeable number of heavy metal and hard rock, alternative, punk and grunge fans.

Women and Men and Public Space Hilda Rix Nicholas and Henri Matisse in Morocco Essay Example For Students

Women and Men and Public Space: Hilda Rix Nicholas and Henri Matisse in Morocco Essay Negotiating painting in the Soko in Tangier One of the most interesting aspects of Hilda Rixs painting in Tangier, and one upon which I will focus in this article, is how she negotiated painting in public spaces in Morocco. All painters were subject to some kind of adverse scrutiny in early-twentieth-century Morocco whether they were male or female. The injunction against the making of images which was adhered to by strict Muslims meant that any painting in public places had to be done discreetly and in a manner which showed grateful acknowledgement of the indulgence given by local people to the artist. If anyone showed discomfort Rix immediately ceased drawing or painting; she packed her materials and awaited a more opportune moment. We will write a custom essay on Women and Men and Public Space: Hilda Rix Nicholas and Henri Matisse in Morocco specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Her concern about painting and drawing in public is conveyed in an account she presented to her mother that involved a discussion of the exceedingly wet weather that she had encountered. Both she and  Matisse  complain about the inclement weather. The rain that greeted them on their arrival in Tangier persisted, leading  Matisse  to lament in a letter to his friend Gertrude Stein from the Hotel Villa de France: Since Monday at three when we arrived, until today, Saturday, it has rained continuously shall we ever see the sun in Morocco? (3) Arriving a week later, Hilda and the Tanners seemed to have fared better, although, at various points, Hilda Rix worried over the time lost for painting on account of the rain. When her sister Elsie joined Hilda for her second trip to Tangier in 1914, she also complained to their mother: Do you know mother it is raining frightfully. Everyone says they never knew such a wet season. Isnt it maddening? (Elsie Rix, letter to Elizabeth Rix, 13 March 1914). Rainy weather led Hilda into unexpected situations, such as when, shortly after her arrival, she had to take refuge in a small cafe. In an undated letter she recounted to her family in London her cross-cultural exchange, revealing her fear of breaking the law and joking about being captured and taken into a harem: It came on to rain suddenly and sharply, and I slipped into a little shop where I have made friends with the proprietors, a little French woman, and asked might I shelter from the rain, But certainly Mile, with pleasure! In a moment, enter two Moors, large middle aged important looking. Spotted my drawing on the counter (where it was drying, having got wet). At once the larger Moor pounced upon it and nodded to meHe looked at writing on my wall then took carefully a letter from his pocket, tore the margin from it, slowly, carefully with the pen from counter made first an elaborate frame, with curves little ornamentationsthen laboriously wrote out a very full correct edition of the notice on my wall, and solemnly presented itto me. The solemn business of writing (which runs from right to left of the page)took at least twenty minutes. I took his kind work, tore a little piece off the blank end of the paper wrote Thank you very much, in English gave it to him. He got a man in the shop to translate to ask me to sign it with my name We both bowed and pocketed our souvenir. The interpreter told me that the big Moor was a notaire, that the notice on the wall was about a veterinary surgeon who could do all manner of wonderful cures for cows etc. I was scared after, for a moment lest the notaire wished my name to run me into prison for tormenting the people in the market by always haunting them with my sketch block and ammunition bagorI knew not whatbut he was so big and imposing, and did everything with such a flourish! However several days have passed I am not popped into a harem or stolensoall is well. Fear of making images aside, Rix was able to produce a large range of images that showed both men and women in public involved in the commercial life of Tangier. Her descriptions of costume and manners are careful, and she clearly had an interest in recording and conveying ethnographic detail: The sun is heavenly, the sky is soft blue white butterflies are dancing in the air I see a group of wonderful people basking in the sunshine at the foot of white Moorish Arch. One young Moor in dull cinnamon coloured burnouse, his hood pulled over his headAnother in quaint cream woollen shirt affair, short mauve Trousers, Tight into the knees above his bare golden legs. Around his shaven head is wound a Turban of brown twine embroidered with gaily coloured flowers. His big brown long lashed eyes are dancing with mischief tho filled with dreaminess. His nose is straight his lips well shapen. (Undated letter to Elisabeth and Elsie Rix, probably February 1912) The sounds of a flute made their way to her, as her eyes settled upon a group of older men smoking a shisha pipe (hookah): .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e , .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .postImageUrl , .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e , .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:hover , .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:visited , .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:active { border:0!important; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:active , .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u15d76390b4b6497ada73093c58648a6e:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Space Age Technology Essayoh what sweetest of silverly notes waft up to my ears. There is an older red bearded, blind Moor who is smoking the weirdest pipe its stem is long its bowl the size of a thimblecertainly it seems the pipe of peace for it passes from one to the other of the group each drawing one or two lazy puffs there from. Hotel Villa de France was their place of residence on this and subsequent expeditions to Tangier:  Matisse  in October of 1912 and Hilda when she travelled with Elsie in February of 1914. Hildas second letter from the Hotel Villa de France in 1912 recounts the beginning of her work schedule and her delight at her progress with sketching: Worked very hard in the (market place) all day todayDid two sketches this morning and one this afternoon(could exhibit all). Am getting swing of things now. People are splendidit is just as easy to work as in Etaples market. Only so exciting because of the thousand things to do. Have done only one thing yet. Want to feel absolutely at home first. Oh I love this placeit is magnificent for workand too the hotel is very nice. View from roof magnificent!!! Yesterday went donkey ride (all the party) out into the country. Came back with arms laden with blue irises and white feathery flower. My wont I have a crowd of sketches to show you. Matisse  was also fascinated by the flora of Tangier, painting irises in his hotel room, but he steered clear of the marketplace. Perhaps he found the attention of the stall holders and the marketgoers intrusive. It is also possible that Hilda Rix, as a woman, was less a subject of scrutiny than any male artist, especially if he had begun to paint images of women. That might well have attracted more negative reaction than any image that Hilda painted.  Matisse  had never painted the bustling urban life and seldom ventured into common areas to paint en plein air, preferring interiors, portraits, nudes and figure studies, and landscapes. In Tangier, the privacy of the Hotel Villa de France, and later the Villa Brooks, suited him. Throughout his career he studied flowers and plants, painting floral studies and still lifes to a degree that was unusual for a male artist of his stature. His innovative use of the floral motif was indeed central to his genius, and in the latter part of his career it dominated his practice. Tangier presented him with the opportunity to indulge his passion. Restricted by the weather, he painted many still-life compositions in his hotel room, from the flowers available in the market and in the gardens around the hotel. Le vase diris (1912) is one of the first he completed in Tangier.  Matisse  located his irises, then plentiful in the market, in a vase on the dressing table of his room. After several weeks of working in this cramped space, he was presented with an opportunity to paint outdoors in one of the largest gardens that Tangier had to offer. Walter Harris, Moroccan correspondent of the London Times and a local identity, introduced him to the British national Jack Brooks whose home, the Villa Brooks, dominated the landscape in the hills behind Hotel Villa de France.  Matisse  repeatedly returned there to sketch and paint, accompanied by Amelie, even renting an outhouse at the villa to store his pictures (Spurling 104).  Matisse  was fascinated by the acanthus which grew abundantly on the estate, noting: The ground was covered with acanthus. I had never seen acanthus. I knew acanthus only from the drawings of Corinthian capitals that I had made at the Ecole de Beaux- Arts. I found the acanthus magnificent. Much more interesting, greener than those at my school. My spirit was exalted by these great trees, very tall, and below the rich acanthus provided a no less important focus through their sumptuousness. (Courthion 102-03; qtd in Cowart et al. 68) .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc , .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .postImageUrl , .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc , .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:hover , .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:visited , .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:active { border:0!important; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:active , .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .ue1f3bb176020d9f1359a808659bbbffc:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Religion In Public Schools EssayThese recollections are reflected in his large oil canvas Les acanthes (1912), painted before the motif at the Villa Brooks. The simplicity of the composition gives the painting a charming, almost Rousseauesque quality, with its absence of conventional perspective. He presents the landscape in the classic Tangerian colour scheme of blue and green. Henri  Matisse, Hilda Rix and  Henry  Ossawa Tanner all painted the famous gateway entrance to Tangier, the Bab el-Aassa. The arch cuts through the southern wall surrounding the kasbah, and all three artists executed works of the site in compositions with shared features. Rix and  Matisse  both showed the view through the arch, while Tanner focused upon the view onto the arch from the painters side. Rixs oil, The Blue Archway (1912), was painted with broad brushstrokes in bold, flat fields of muted colours that can also be seen in other paintings from her first trip to Tangier. At this stage in her career she was still finding her way with oil paint, having developed her technique at the Academie Delecluse and the Academie Colarossi in Paris over a relatively short period of time. Yet she had clearly gained a considerable affinity with and dexterity in the medium, working in a quite experimental way. In The Blue Archway the large figure of a man in a burnoose occupies the foreground; he is facing a woman whose features are obscured by the volume of his body. We see only details of her costume, such as her yellow djellaba, red striped skirt and shoes. As the eye is led into the composition via a path, and deeper into the landscape, a group of figures, which are smaller in size and more distantly located from the viewer, complement the man and woman standing in front of the arch. This group of seated women are bowaabs, or gatekeepers, and are less clearly delineated. We can only make out the dark brown, hand-woven fabric of their simple costume. The thick paint in the foreground creates the impression of the chalky ground of the white city of Tangier, and the solid architectural features of the walls of the kasbah are placed into relief by the arch and bright blue of the sky, which is brought into prominence through Rixs bold composition. Matisse  painted a bolder, flatter and more abstract view of the same scene, this time in deep blue. Probably painted on his second trip to Morocco, the Porte de la casbah (1912-13) forms the right wing of  Matisses Moroccan Triptych. His composition is more restricted than those of the other two artists. He selects a smaller area to focus upon, presenting the view from the front of the arch, looking through it to the other side of the kasbah. The elements of the landscape that come into view in Porte de la casbah are more carefully delineated; for example, the trellis fencing in the garden of a small house, which is revealed through the arch, is seen faintly in Rixs The Blue Archway and is more clearly depicted in  Matisses study.  Matisse  also resorts to flatter blocks of primary colour than Tanner or Rix, who both use more conventional devices to create perspective and a more naturalistic palette. The fauvist use of colour that  Matisse  had earlier pioneered he now developed into new directions, as a more restricted palette entered his practice over this period. This is accompanied by a severe geometric design in the organisation of the composition that was later to influence Picasso. In all three studies of the scene the arch dominates the composition and all feature the bowaabs, the gatekeepers who today are still seen there, noting who comes and goes. While Rixs developing facility in oils is evident in works such as The Blue Archway, and in her small Moroccan Loggia (1912) we see this new ability with paint extended. The splashes of colour created by thick impasto in strategically placed dabs across the canvas give this work a remarkably experimental, almost fauvist aspect. Here her control over the medium is clearly developing, and she uses the fluid quality of the oil to create a flowing account of the architectural images of the loggia in an almost abstract arrangement of form and colour. The works simple structure and relaxed framework allow a wonderful evocation of both architectural elements and light to dominate the picture plane. This new proficiency with paint is also demonstrated in the brightly hued Arab Market Place (1912), a work that captures the light and atmosphere of Tangier.

Effective Stage Combat Techniques

Effective Stage Combat Techniques Conflict is the essence of drama.  Onstage, many characters will fight with words only up to a certain point before physically expressing their frustration on something or someone.  Most plays include some element of violence: a slap, a punch, a stab, or just attempts at these types of strikes.  Some plays, especially classics, have complicated sword fights and mass battles.   To present such scenes- called â€Å"fight scenes†- on stage so that they look realistic, but do not actually harm the participants, actors learn and practice stage combat. No matter the number of moves in the fight scene- one move or fifty- stage combat is the term used for any act of violence done or attempted on another character. Armed and Unarmed Armed stage combat involves weapons, any type of weapon- rapiers, daggers, broadswords, quarterstaves, knives, guns, or found weapons. (Found weapons are exactly as they sound- an actor uses whatever is in reach to threaten, defend, or attack. This includes anything from a cushion to a clip board to a broom.) Unarmed stage combat refers to any and all moves that do not involve weapons: punches, kicks, slaps, grappling, and falls.  Actors and directors often mishandle unarmed moves because they appear less dangerous than armed attacks.  Unarmed fight scenes, however, are where most injuries occur. Slaps in particular have earned themselves a reputation as the most dangerous move in stage combat circles. In the hands of untrained actors, they can hurt when performed hand to cheek and leave giant red marks on faces. Just as with armed stage combat, behind each punch, kick, and slap, there are whole sets of moves and methods developed to produce a believable act of violence on stage.   A fight director is someone who has studied and trained in all or most of the stage combat disciplines. Fight directors can evaluate the actors, stage or performance space, and audience angles to plan and teach the best way to provide a realistic scene or moment of violence.  Like a choreographer who brings dance expertise, a fight director brings realistic looking combat moves and safety to stage performances. The most dramatic and poignant moments in a play often involve elements of stage combat. A good fight director can heighten those important climatic scenes and keep the audience thoroughly engaged in the dramatic action. Without the guidance of a fight director, two actors in a heated debate may be too obvious as they pull their punches (not hit as hard as possible), the actor who performs a crucial stabbing can clearly miss his mark, or an actor who has been shot in the back can fall the wrong way.  Fight directors know how to blend these combative moments believably into the audience’s experience. Stage combat is a fascinating and fun element of theatre.  Like many other aspects of theatre, its rich background and methods require study and dedication- all of which go completely unnoticed when a fight scene is done well!

Walter Cannon essays

Walter Cannon essays Born in Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin, on October 19, 1871, a child by the name of Walter Bradford Cannon would emerge into a world unlike the one he was to create. Caught up in the battle between traditionalists and Darwinists over the perceived conflict that was religion and science as a youngster, he would come to challenge the ideals of the Calvinist church. During his teen years, Cannon would break away from his family religion in search of his own answers within his independent judgment. Distinguishing himself academically within high school, Cannon was prepared to attend Harvard College in 1892. Four years after his initial enrollment to Harvard, he was accepted to Harvard Medical School by 1896. During his time in H.M.S., Cannon began his contributions to science as he investigated swallowing and stomach mobility with the use of x-rays. His research was published in the first American Journal of Physiology in 1898. By 1900 Walter had attained his medical degree. After graduation, Cannon joined the American Physiological Society and became the instructor in the Department of Physiology at Harvard Medical School. Soon after in 1902, he became an assistant professor of physiology and four years later would succeed Bowditch as the Professor of Physiology, becoming the chair of the department of which he would hold until 1942. In 1914, Cannon would serve as president of the American Physiological Society for two years and focused his studies on traumatic shock, writing Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, Fear, and Rage in 1915. Advancing to 1923, Cannon's Traumatic Shock postulated the causes of traumatic shock In the process of his research, he documented findings on the sympathetic nervous system as well as neurochemical transmission of nerve impulses. Cannon also discovered the adrenaline-like hormone sympathin and clarified the pathways of emotional responses which proved error to the James-Lange theory. ...

Bottled Water Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Bottled Water - Essay Example Much of this available water is located rather from human populations thus further complicating issues of water use. 505,000 km, or a layer 1.4 metres thick, evaporates from the oceans annually. Another 72 000 km. evaporates from the land. About 80 percent of all precipitation, or about 458 000 km/year, falls on the oceans and the remaining 119,000 km/year falls on land. The difference between precipitation on land surfaces and evaporation from those surfaces (119 000 km3minus 72 000 km3annually) is run-off and groundwater recharge - approximately 47 000 km. annually (Gleick 1993). More than one-half of all run-off occurs in Asia and South America, and a large fraction occurs in a single river, the Amazon, which carries more than 6,000 km of water a year (Shiklomanov 1999). Water development projects during the 20th century have had significant impacts on freshwater ecosystems by eliminating marshes and wetlands, removing water for other uses, altering flows, and contaminating water with industrial and human wastes. In many rivers and lakes, ecosystem functions have been lost or impaired. In some areas, growing water demand has led to reductions in the volume of large rivers, affecting riverine and adjacent coastal areas (CSD 1997a). was held in 1977 in Mar del Plata, Argentina. ... was held in 1977 in Mar del Plata, Argentina. The focus on human needs led to the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade(1981-90) and the efforts of the United Nations and other international organizations to provide basic water services (UN 2000). The concept of meeting basic water needs was reaffirmed during the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro and expanded to include ecological water needs. A United Nations report (UN 1999) recognized that all people require access to adequate amounts of safe water, for drinking, sanitation and hygiene. Indeed, the Second World Water Forum and Ministerial Conference in The Hague in 2000 produced a strong statement from more than 100 ministers in support of re-emphasizing basic human needs as a priority for nations, international organizations and donors. Providing urban dwellers with safe water and sanitation services has remained a particular challenge. Some 170 million developing country urban dwellers were provided with safe water and 70 million with appropriate sanitation during the first half of the 1990s but this had limited impact because about 300 million more urban residents still lacked access to safe water supply, while nearly 600 million lacked adequate sanitation by the end of 1994 (CSD 1997b). However, a major area of success in many developing countries is related to investments in wastewater treatment over the past 30 years which have 'halted the decline in - or actually improved - the quality of surfacewater' (World Water Council 2000b). Water quality Water quality problems can often be as severe as those of water availability but less attention has been paid to them, particularly in developing regions. Sources of pollution include untreated

Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique Research Paper

Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique - Research Paper Example The socio-political environment prevailing in the United States of America was systematically making the women feel contented with their household duties, thereby giving way to an unnoticed and unrecognized sense of discontent, apathy and unhappiness. Thereby, Betty Friedan’s book The Feminine Mystique is indeed credited with bringing to fore this unrecognized marginalization of women (Horowitz 36). Hence, The Feminine Mystique indeed happened to be a work that revitalized the Women’s Liberation Movement. The book, The Feminine Mystique was the outcome of the conclusions drawn by Betty Friedan, when she attended her college’s fifteen year reunion. In a survey conducted by Betty Friedan in this reunion, she realized that a majority of her classmates were abjectly dismayed and unsatisfied with the role of an idealized American housewife, heaped on them by the dominant social, cultural and gender expectations. Actually it was this survey that made Betty Friedan recognizes the fact that a post War social environment was positively nudging women to adapt to the roles of mothers and housewives. Motivated by this conclusion, the subsequent research conducted by Betty Friedan confirmed her worst fears regarding the state of women in the post War America. Immediately after its publication, The Feminine Mystique turned out to be a number one bestseller, as it happened to be an ideological work that tried to recognize, unravel and define an array of issues faced by the women in the post War world, which hitherto remained ignored, sidelined and neglected (Scanlon 94). This book brought to fore the fact that confining women to the roles of mothers and housewives not only made them lead an unsatisfied and frustrated life, but this trend also had larger implications for the American society. In that context, The Feminine Mystique was a groundbreaking work in the sense

Plea Bargaining Essay Example for Free

Plea Bargaining Essay Search for justice is a sensitive process. It entails accurateness and reliability. The truth, which is the road to justice, must fully be established without any trace of doubt. The process itself is complicated and time- consuming. Nonetheless, it has to be undergone by every party because of the precious life that is at stake. In criminal prosecution, the defendant has been guaranteed rights and privileges. This is so not because the legal system favors him but to shield himself from any arbitrary manipulation of the court or any legal officer. Constitutionally, the accused is presumed innocent unless proven beyond reasonable doubt (Davis, 2007, p. 44). This is a constitutional grant that cannot be surrendered by the accused. Most importantly, it is to avoid incrimination of innocent people. During the prosecution of the case, it is also very important that the accused undergoes the process of plea bargaining. Generally, plea bargaining is â€Å"the negotiation of an agreement between a prosecutor and a defendant whereby the defendant is permitted to plead guilty to a reduced charge† (Merriam- Webster Online, 2008). Specifically, from the word bargaining, it entails two or more parties, usually the defendant and the prosecutor. On the bargaining, the defendant is given a choice whether to plead guilty and waive his constitutional right or to continue to trial. But before the defendant makes his choice, the prosecutor presents the circumstantial evidences that would lead to the conviction of the defendant. Sometimes, the prosecutor offers dropping some charges against the defendant or the crime will be lowered to a lighter offense in exchange of guilty plea by the defendant. It can be observed here that the prosecution is in control of the plea bargaining (Davis, 2007, p. 43). The plea bargaining process usually evokes negative reactions because of the belief that the defendants right is curtailed (Davis, 2007, p. 43). However, in many instances, it offers several benefits for both the defendant and the prosecutor. It has been said that criminal prosecution consumes time, money, and effort. Plea bargaining offers the shortening of the trial process when the defendant pleaded guilty. On the part of the prosecutor, if the defendant pleaded guilty, he no longer needs to conduct trials in every case that he prosecute (Davis, 2007, p. 43). Notably, the burden of proving guilt beyond reasonable doubt lies on the prosecutor. If the defendant pleaded guilty, he is no longer required to establish every element of the crime being attributed to the defendant. In addition, the prosecutor will be freed from stress of for presenting witnesses, sending subpoenas, preparing statements for every testimonies, and argue on every issue. Thus, the trial is shortened and the prosecutor can have other time for his other duties. However, in order to obtain all these, the prosecutor must offer an encouraging and strong incentive to the defendant. Th defendants rights to trial and innocence unless proven are a very essential privileges that cannot easily be surrendered. However, when the prosecution can easily establish the elements of the crime committed, the burden will certainly be met and the defendant will be put to prison. In addition, if the prosecutions evidences are strong enough, conviction for the defendant will easily be achieved. In these case, it is advantageous for the defendant to plead guilty so as not to expose him to long and tiring trial period. Additionally, it will also shun his family away from stressful trial process. Most importantly, some charges will be dropped in his favor, and he will also be penalized for lesser offense. It also follows that his criminal liability or term of imprisonment will be shortened. Furthermore, plea bargaining do not necessarily sacrifice the rights of the defendant because at the onset of the plea bargaining, he has given the freedom whether to enter a plea or not. The defendant is very aware of the consequences that the trial may bring to his life and his family, and at this particular stage, he is given a choice to obtain a favorable, or mitigating grant for himself. But definitely, if he is strongly aware that he is innocent, then his rights to trial and presumption of innocence shall be granted.

When Strategic Planning Goes Wrong Essay -- Business Management

When Strategic Planning Goes Wrong Netflix, Inc. Where Are We Going? Strategic initiatives provide a roadmap of how to steer a company towards its vision—the forward-looking perspective of where the company is going. A glimpse of where Netflix, Inc., the industry leader in movie rentals, was planning to go was revealed in the middle of 2011. What the company did not realize, at the time, was that it was headed for trouble. In July 2011, Netflix, Inc. announced that it would be changing the way its movie rental subscription plans would be priced. In the past, the lowest-priced subscription plan at $9.99—which included both DVDs and unlimited video streaming—would now be split into two separate plans priced at $7.99 each (See Appendix: Key Dates); representing a 60% increase for both service levels. The next move for the company came in September when it was announced that the DVD rental and video streaming services were going to be split off into two separate companies. The DVD-only service company would now be called Qwikster, while the video streaming service would remain under the Netflix, Inc name. By October, the company decided that it would scrap the split off initiative and keep the two rental services as they were—back under one company. Why Are We Going This Way? The Good Given the nature of the market demand for instant viewing offered through streaming media, the initial need to split the company—and the two rental service levels—into separate entities was a natural direction for Netflix. From an operational perspective, the two services require different resource capabilities and the expertise to manage them. In the case of the DVD service, this business unit requires assets that follow a more traditional ... ...any, called "Qwikster," will be completely separate from the streaming business.† October 10: The Company â€Å"has killed off Qwikster before the DVD-only service announced in September even launched†. Works Cited Lexis Nexis. Corporate Affiliations. N/A. http://0-www.corporateaffiliations.com.bianca.penlib.du.edu/subscriber/companyProfile.asp (accessed April 19, 2012). Fundinguniverse.com. Company Histories & Profiles: N: Netflix, Inc. 2012. http://www.fundinguniverse.com/company-histories/Netflix-Inc-Company-History.html (accessed April 19, 2012). The Huffington Post. Tech. July 2011. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/07/12/netflix-price-subscription-plan_n_895779.html (accessed April 19, 2012). The Huffington Post. Tech. September 2011. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/09/19/qwikster-netflix-streaming-dvds_n_969135.html (accessed April 19, 2012).

Economics of Consumption Tax on Unhealthy Goods.

Economics of Consumption Tax on Unhealthy Goods. Introduction: Unhealthy consumption prevails in the fields of nutrition, energy and transport. Taxing is one a solution to provide a healthier living. With globalization, qualities of goods do fail to meet the international standards. International movements of goods which damage health are increasing with Cross border marketing, promoting unhealthy behaviours of alcohol and tobacco consumption and unhealthy diets. (Richard Smith, 2003). The report narrows down to Daily life consumption of tobacco and alcohol considering the impact of individual’s income, price of the produce and the substitutions available briefing on supply and demand. The taxing of unhealthy goods is segmented under consumption taxation rather than on income. For addictive goods, the level of consumption today not only causes harm tomorrow, but also increases the marginal benefit of future consumption. Literally every country charges through some sort of ad valorem tax through value added tax, sales tax or an expenditure tax. Economic Models to study Demand for Cigarettes: Studies on demand for cigarettes have applied several types of economic models to different types of data with various estimation techniques. In general, two types of economic models are used: the conventional demand model and the addictive demand model. These models have been applied to two types of data: aggregate level data including time-series data for a single geographical unit and pooled cross-sectional time-series data, and individual level of survey data. Conventional demand models which use aggregate data normally specify the demand equation in a way that the quantity of cigarettes demanded is a function of cigarette prices, income, tobacco control policies and a variety of socioeconomic and demographic factors. But there are two exceptions (Baltagi and Goel, 1987; Peterson et al. , 1992), in which a quasi-experiment approach was used to compare changes in cigarette consumption in states in the United States that have raised cigarette taxes to consumption in states where taxes have not changed. A small but growing number of studies have used data on individuals taken from large-scale surveys (Lewit et al. , 1981; Lewit and Coate, 1982; Grossman et al. , 1983; Chaloupka and Pacula, 1998; Farrelly et al. , 1998). These studies differ from those using aggregated data, in that they normally estimate a two-part model, by estimating firstly the probability that an individual will smoke and, secondly, the level of consumption among smokers. The conventional demand model does not account for the addictive nature of cigarette smoking. There are several versions of the addictive model that have been used for studying the demand for cigarettes: the imperfectly rational addiction model, myopic addiction model and rational addiction model (Chaloupka and Warner, 1999). The rational addictive model is the most recent model used for modelling demand for cigarettes (Becker and Murphy, 1988; Becker et al. , 1991; Pekurinen, 1991; Chaloupka, 1990, 1991, 1992; Keeler et al. , 1993). The rationality here simply implies that individuals incorporate the interdependence between past, current, and future consumption into their utility maximization processes. This is in contrast to the assumption, implicit in myopic models of addictive behaviours, that future implications are ignored when making the current decision. Empirically, the demand equation is specified as the quantity of cigarettes demanded in the current period being a function of both past and future consumption as well as those other factors included in the conventional demand model. Becker and Murphy (1988) and Becker et al. (1991) developed several hypotheses from the basic rational addiction model. First, the quantities of the addictive good consumed in different time periods are complementary. As a result, current consumption of an addictive good is inversely related to not only the current prices of the good, but also to the all past and future prices. Consequently, the long-term effect of a permanent change in prices will exceed the short-term effect. Moreover, the ratio of the long-term to short-term price effect increases as the degree of addition rises. In addition, the model predicts that the impact of an nticipated price change will be greater than that of a comparable un-anticipated price change, while a permanent price change will have a larger impact on demand than a temporary price change. Finally, price responsiveness varies with time preference: addicts with higher discount rates will be more responsive to changes in money prices that those with lower discount rates. Specific variables included in the demand model of each study vary, depending on the economic mode l used and the availability and type of the data. Important factors that have been evaluated include costs of cigarette smoking, consumers’ income, cigarette advertising and other promotion activities, and health information. The cost of cigarette smoking should be defined broadly, including not only the purchase price of cigarettes, but the time and other costs associated with smoking. Restrictions on smoking in public places and private work sites, for example, impose additional costs on smokers by forcing them outdoors to smoke, by increasing the time and discomfort associated with smoking, or by imposing fines for smoking in restricted areas. Similarly, limits on access to tobacco by youth may increase the time and potential legal costs associated with smoking. Supply and Demand- Price Elasticities : Cigarette consumption is found to be negatively related to price. The estimated price elasticity from those studies using aggregated data varies from -0. 14 to -1. 23, but most fall in the narrower range from -0. 3 to -0. 5, including the result from the two quasi-experimental studies (Baltagi and Goel, 1987; Peterson et al. , 1992). The estimated price elasticities from the studies using individual-level data, in general, are comparable to those estimates from the studies using the aggregate data. Nearly all of the studies of the price-demand relationship focus on the developed countries. Warner (1990) argued that price responsiveness in less developed countries is likely to be greater than in more developed countries, given the relatively low incomes and relatively lower level of cigarette consumption by smokers in poor countries. Are young smokers more or less sensitive to prices? The question of whether youth are more or less responsive to prices than are adults has been examined in a number of studies using individual-level data (Lewit, et al. , 1981; Lewit and Coate, 1982; Grossman et al. , 1983; Chaloupka, 1998). Findings from those studies are mixed. The earlier studies on this issue found that youth are more sensitive to prices than are adults. This result, however, was challenged by the study done by Wasserman et al. (1991), which found that the price responsiveness of youth was not significantly different from that of adults. Recent studies of youth and young adult smoking (Chaloupka and Grossman, 1996; Farrelly et al. , 1998; Tauras and Chaloupka, 1998) generally supported the earlier results that the price sensitivity of cigarette demand was inversely related to age. Those recent studies estimated the price elasticity of demand for cigarettes by youth was between -1. 1 and -1. 3, very similar to -1. 44 estimated Lewit et al. in1981. The price responsiveness of sub-population groups by income levels has been investigated by a number of researchers (Chaloupka, 1991; Townsend et al. , 1994; Farrelly et al. , 1998). Results from those studies indicate that cigarette demand is less price elastic for more educated or higher income individuals. The economics of â€Å"sin taxes†: Economists always draw sharp distinction between private costs and benefits and externalities. Where goods generate externalities when consumed, and where consumers make well informed, rational choices, efficient consumption choices would be made if tax levied at rate equal to marginal external cost. The 3 main categories of smoking and drinking externalities: -Direct externalities like Costs of passive smoking, Injury to victims of alcohol-fuelled violence and accidents. Costs of collectively-funded medical treatment and care– Treatment of the individual smoker / drinker for tobacco / alcohol –related conditions, other differences in medical treatment and care costs arising from individual consumption. -Other net public expenditure effects like forgone pensions and revenue effects. Under perfect compet ition the supply curve is the marginal cost to the firms in the business. Any costs that are borne by neither the seller nor the buyer must be added to these costs to create the social cost of the good. On the assumption that the only people who benefit from the consumption of the goods are the consumer themselves, the demand curve is the social benefit curve. |Figure 1 : Modelling Externalities | | | |[pic] | |Source :Issues in Economics Today, Robert | So, instead of coming to the market solution of a price-quantity combination P*-Q*, the socially optimal combination is P`-Q`. That is, if there is a market for a good where some of the costs spill over to others, then the market will produce too much of the good and charge too little for it. Modeling Taxes – Government Intervention To correct an externality, we can tax the osffending good, we can limit its use, and we can forbid its use. Of these options, taxes are most appealing to economists, as they allow people who are willing to pay all of the costs of their consumption to go ahead and consume. Using taxes in this way has the positive effect of discouraging those people who are not willing to pay the costs from becoming consumers of the undesirable or unhealthy good. |Figure 2 : Effect of Tax | | | |[pic] | |Source :Economics, John Sloman | When a tax is imposed on a good, this will have the effect of shifting the supply curve upwards by the amount of the tax. In the case of a specific tax, it will be a parallel shift, since the amount of the tax is the same at all prices. In the case of an advalorem tax, the curve will swing upwards. At a zero price there would be no tax and hence no shifts in the supply curve. As price rises, so the gap between the original and new supply curves will widen, since a given percentage tax will be a larger absolute amount the higher the price. The curve shift upwards by the amount of the tax because the firm is persuaded to produce the same quantity as before the imposition of the tax(Q1),and they must now receive a price which allows them fully to recoup the tax they have to pay(P1 + tax). The effect of the tax is to raise price and reduce quantity. Price will not rise by the full amount of the tax, however, because the demand curve is downward sloping. The price rises only to P2. Thus the burden or incidence of such taxes is distributed between consumers and producers. Consumers pay to the extent that price rises. Producers pay to the extent this rise in price is not sufficient to cover the tax. Discussions Increase in price of A will Increase the demand for B and vice versa. High taxation should relatively increase the consumption of quality goods. When related with the income of the general public the consumption is high when the income is high and would prefer luxury products over cheaper items. The availability of alternatives impact the consumption behaviour, people move towards cheaper produces. The consumption level is cut-down by stages and level of quitting or rehabilitation stages increase with alcohol than cigarettes with a relative cheaper price tag (diminishing marginal rate of substitution). The alternative of direct consumption of tobacco (oral or nasal stuffs) are taxed less than the branded cigarettes for example, some tax higher tar and nicotine cigarettes at higher rates than lower tar or nicotine cigarettes, while others impose lower taxes on smaller and/or filtered cigarettes than on longer and/or unfiltered cigarettes. The structure of tobacco taxes in most countries is a mix of both specific and ad valorem taxes that varies across tobacco products. (Frank J. Chaloupka et al) The consumption levels are just a trade-off between the available choices. The positive effect of tax is over powered by the illegal substitutes of drugs and addictive consumption. In addition, many suggest that ad valorem taxes are likely to lead to reductions in average product quality as producers and consumers switch to lower cost tobacco products (Barzel, 1976; British American Tobacco, 1994; Sobel and Garrett, 1997). The high market price will catalyze higher criminal activities as it becomes a habit to consume illegal products with the demand being almost constant. With increase in price the supply tends to increase. But in the addictive market, the supply curve facing issues of quality uncertainty tends to move upward depicting the decrease in supply even if the product is in the thick market. The supply curve literally becomes vertical reflecting on whatever the price market will bear even in the presence of multiple entrants. In the short run, with the demand being highly in-elastic, suppliers would enjoy setting up high price benefit from a high margin of profit after tax. Fluctuating around the firms’ marginal cost, higher prices does not bring in extra supply power. Rather excise tax on tobacco and alcohol are highly regressive in a longer-run where it is a loss to the firm making to exit from the industry. A tax increases the cost of selling each unit of a product and therefore usually decreases the willingness of sellers to supply given quantities. (Joseph J. Cordes et al, 2005). The higher the price elasticity of supply of a good or service, the greater the excess burden of a tax on its sale and vice versa. Conclusion: One can conclude the inelasticity of the demands for unhealthy goods (tobacco and alcohol) increases the consumption taxation as a whole with increase in revenue for the government. On a long run, chances are high for a shift towards elastic demand with respect to the prices. This allows a room for thinking for the policy makers to improve on the taxation procedure by concentrating on the supply side more than the consumer side of the market. References: Becker GS et al. (1991). ‘Rational addiction and the effect of price on consumption’. American Economic Review . Vol. 81 (2),pp. 237-41. Becker GS, et al (1994). ‘An empirical analysis of cigarette addiction’. American Economic Review. Vol. 84(3), pp. 396-418. Becker & Murphy KM (1988). ‘A theory of rational addiction’. Journal of Political Economy. Vol. 96(4), pp. 675-700 Chaloupka FJ. (1991). ‘Rational addictive behavior and cigarette smoking’. Journal of Political Economy . Vol. 99(4),pp. 722-42. Chaloupka FJ. (1998). ‘The Impact of Proposed Cigarette Price Increases’. Policy Analysis No. 9, Health Sciences Analysis Project. Washington: Advocacy Institute. Chaloupka FJ & Pacula RL. (1998). ‘An Examination of Gender and Race Differences in Youth Smoking Responsiveness to Price and Tobacco Control Policies’. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 6541. Chaloupka FJ, Warner KE . (1999). ‘The economics of smoking’. In: Newhouse JP, Culyer AJ, editors. The Handbook of Health Economics. Ediiton. 1, Chapter. 29, pp. 1539-1627. Chaloupka FJ, Wechsler H. (1997). ‘Price tobacco control policies and smoking among young adults’. Journal of Health Economics. Vol. 16(3), pp. 359-73. Peter Earl, Tim Wakeley (2005). Business Economics: A Contemporary Approach. Berkshire: McGraw – Hill Education. Frank, R. (2008). ‘The Economic Naturalist: Why Economics Explains Almost Everything’. Virgin Books. John Sloman (2000). Economics. (Fourth Edition). Essex. : Prentice Hall. Joseph et al(2005). Encyclopedia of taxation and tax policy’. (Second Edition). Washiington. : Urban Institute Press Mirrlees, J. , (2000). ‘What taxes should there be? ’. Paper Presented at the 7th Annual Conference, Toulouse, France. March 24. Robert C. Guell (2005). ‘Issues in Economics Today’ (Second Edition). New York. :Tata Mcgraw Hill -Irwin Selected case studies: ‘Issues in the global tobacco economy’. Food and Agriculture Organ ization of the United Nations,Rome, 2003. ———————– Word Count: 2192

Mario and the magician- Cipolla

Thomas Manna's â€Å"Mario and the Magician,† illusion, illness and deformity are only a few of the characteristics used to set the tone of the story. Prior to Cupola's Introduction, the narrator suggests that he should have escaped Tore did Veneer and the fatal Cipolin. At this moment, we have yet to experience the introduction and effects of the true Cipolin; however, we are lead to believe and imagine the worst about Cupola's character based on the narrators comments.Cupola's appearance was obviously quite distinct, like none the narrator had ever seen before, based on his detailed outline of his absurd yet arrogant appearance. Cipolin was described as having: a very distinct noticeable attire, piercing eyes, ravaged face, broken saw- edged teeth, a small waxed moustache, a pointed beard and the utmost unusual hairstyle. He was also subject too very noticeable physical deformity which was described as being awkward and uncommon.Despite Collar's discomfited appearance he was greeted with laughter and anticipation from the majority of the on-lookers who were anxiously awaiting the show. As Collar sat smoking a cigarette, calmly, he scanned the audience hoping to determine their weaknesses and placed, lent, judgment on certain individuals based on knowledge gained from years of experiences as a performer of that nature. After sometime and careful consideration, Cupola's first target was two healthy, strong, young men whom had obviously been chosen based on their brawls features.Their appearances insinuated that, perhaps, they were laborers and not of a learned environment. Cipolin, obviously assuming Just that, chooses them to perform a task that will include writing. When, they cannot complete this task they are ridiculed and mocked because of their inabilities. This was Cupola's initial attempt to demean the audience only to heighten his own esteem. Throughout the story Cipolin demonstrates the consumption of excessive amounts of alcohol to sedate hims elf, as well as, the use of his claw handle whip to command immediate attention.He brutally insults the knowledge of the people of Tore did Veneer by claiming them to be ignorant and UN- enlightened. Cipolin also displays anger through is his inability to portray patience and respect when he inflects a young man with unnecessary intestinal pain for defending his community and the people that reside there. There were other acts that followed in sequence; however, the final most memorable attack was against a ell-known respected waiter in Tore did Veneer, Mario. Mario was envisioned as a symbol of physical perfection.He was young, handsome, well respected and of gentle nature, especially to the children of the area. While Moral was on stage, Collar humiliates him in front of Sylvester, a pretty young girl, whom Moral admires. This humiliation continues when, under Collar's control, Moral Is Instructed to kiss Collar on the cheek. Moral Is mortified because of Collar's choice or method of ruled was taken too far; thus, resulting In Moral shooting and killing Collar. Some live that Mario might have over-reacted as a result of his humiliation, but perhaps he TLD.Cupola's Insecurities with himself, due to his deformities, caused him to find comfort in diminishing the self esteem of others by humiliation. The fact, that Cipolin drank excessively and used a whip to command attention during his characteristics. Cipolin tested the strength of numerous individuals and used his hypnotic abilities to hide his true intentions and emotional insecurities. Cipolin was a very unhappy person whose fate was expected to eventually end unfavorable.